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A video screen showed photos of her beaming at various ages, for Irene was a woman who made her house a center of family and community life in the Florence-Firestone district of L. One of those nieces sat in the second row of the chapel during the service.

Wearing a low-cut black dress that revealed a scar not far from her heart, she nodded to cousins, nieces, and ex-uncles, pointing out those who were down for the hood back when things were raging in Florencia 13, the dominant street gang in the area. Several of the men at the funeral had been to prison; a few women had husbands who were still locked up.

Some people kept their distance from Arlene.

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Others approached to say hello. Bythe thirtysomething mother of four sons had become a real estate agent. Houses in the area were going for hundreds of thousands of dollars. Business was good.

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When hood gossip turned against her, Arlene fled to the East Coast with a new identity, a new life. To the surprise of everyone, though, she came home.

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Four freeways eventually crossed the thoroughfare, which had become an artery through South-Central Los Angeles, a sprawling black neighborhood by the s. Heading east, the street cut through white enclaves—Huntington Park, Cudahy, Bell, Bell Gardens, and Downey—formed decades earlier by white migrants from the Midwest and South who found work at the dozens of unionized factories.

Diners, car washes, and dentist offices that dotted the street, there to serve people optimistic about life now that they had good jobs and sunny winters.

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Through the s, all that changed. The high-wage factories had left, taking with them virtually all of the whites and many of the blacks. In their places—coming from the Mexican states of Michoacan, Jalisco, Sinaloa, and Zacatecas—large families of immigrants jammed into the small houses, working two or three jobs per household. By the early s, a mosaic of Florencia 13 cliques was replacing most of the once-powerful East Coast Crip cliques in the Crip world east of the freeway.

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Her parents separated before she was born, but in a way the divisions that split the family still haunt Arlene today. One uncle was said to have been a major drug trafficker in Huntington Park. Her mother, meanwhile, struggled to hold her life together, working at a bar and remarrying.

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The Rodriguezes were from Mexico. They all had visas, and many ran their own small businesses; an aunt owned a Downey beauty salon where pop singer Karen Carpenter would get her nails done. They taught Arlene to aspire to be something more than a hood rat.

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So the girl was shuttled between family members who would have her. She watched The Brady Bunch and yearned for that kind of family—warm, polite, cheerful. If Florencia 13 streets ran in her veins, the world of white people, of comfort and respectability, tantalized her. When she graduated from Huntington Park High School inArlene, like so many of her friends, had a. But while other girls opted to go on welfare or sell drugs to make ends meet, she left her son with a cousin and ed the navy to forge a future for herself and her.

Made up now mostly of immigrants or children of immigrants, F13 had connections to Mexico that allowed it to develop relationships with Sinaloan and Tijuana drug traffickers that many other gangs could not. Arlene partied in Tijuana and Mexicali. Then came the Peace Treaty. La Eme Spanish for the letter m formed inwhen prison inmates from various Southern California Latino gangs ed forces to defend themselves.

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As more and more Latinos swore allegiance to La Eme, the organization grew to dominate prison yards. In the s, a younger generation of Eme members looked to extend their power beyond those yards; they saw the money black gangs were making from the crack trade and viewed the tens of thousands of Southern California Latino gang members as potential employees.

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So Eme representatives organized large-scale meetings of gangsters, many of them mortal enemies, across the region and laid down new laws: no drive-by shootings, no more Latino gang feuds—a peace treaty among barrios. The tax system remains in place today, as dozens of federal indictments make clear, and amounts to the only region-wide organized-crime syndicate in Southern California history.

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It also created a new job: the llavero, or key holder to the neighborhood. As the street-side emissary of the incarcerated Eme member, the llavero decided who would be taxed and then distribute the proceeds according to Eme edict.

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Though often inept and low-rent, the system transformed scruffy barrio cliques into bands of revenue-generating soldiers accustomed to taking orders from outsiders. She knew him from his days on the streets. Once he even took her to buy candy at the store. Sentenced to life, Castellanos ultimately wound up at maximum-security Pelican Bay State Prison in Northern California, where he took the reins of Florencia Castellanos showed himself to be a gang modernizer, apparently seeing in Florence an enormous business opportunity that was being squandered in petty bickering, lack of discipline and order, and tit-for-tat gang feuds.

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These folks knew they would eventually go to prison and that this mythic figure would control how they survived prison. Among other things, Castellanos was said to have used the kites to promulgate rules—reglas—as to how the gang should behave. When reglas attributed to him were seized in a raid on the home of a Florencia 13 member, they became fodder for a federal RICO indictment of Florencianos, one of the largest racketeering cases of its kind in L. Castellanos allegedly instructed F13 members to tax Mexican drug dealers as well as prostitutes and the miqueros—vendors of phony ID cards—on Pacific Avenue.

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Forty percent of the money should go to the collecting crews; 20 percent, to women in the gang to pay for post-office boxes, cellphones, and other expenses; 40 percent, to three incarcerated Eme members from Florencia, including Castellanos. The story stands among the great urban legends of L. One version even has it that the real thieves were Florencia and 38th Street gang members, who painted their faces black as a disguise.

And, as with other Latino gangs, Florencia members interpreted the new rule to mean they should shoot any black man, not just gang members. It got to the point where black men could not step outside without looking both ways for young Latino men with shaved he.

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At the trial, a defendant is heard on a tapped cellphone saying he was traveling the streets, looking for blacks to shoot. Murders in the unincorporated Florence-Firestone area, which had a population of around 60, skyrocketed to 41 in the year the order was issued.

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Take over, block by block. Take them out of our neighborhood. Folks from the hood were cashing in and moving out.

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But she kept selling in her old stomping grounds. To her, his first offense was that he began to tax the gang members who had grown up in the hood. That was against the Peace Treaty.

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He was taxing their girlfriends, too, who were selling weed to support their children. Worst of all, he was taxing the fruit, flower, and Popsicle pushcart vendors. She felt that taxing was supposed to be limited to Mexican dealers operating in the area.

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Moreover, his tax collectors were said to have raped a couple of girls. But nobody wanted to touch a llavero. When Oso taxed her, too, Arlene refused. So, according to her, he green-lighted a hit on Arlene. His lawyer said Oso had no comment for this story.

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Tablas was her protector growing up. One afternoon, she says, Oso and two of his guys met her at a Chuck E. Arlene brought two of her young sons as a cover.

So it was that on the Friday before Labor DayArlene piled her aunt, mother, and two youngest sons into the car and drove 14 hours to Pelican Bay. He was in good shape—rare for an inmate in solitary confinement for so long. Through the thick glass and plastic phones, they talked haltingly about the old neighborhood.

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He remembered their trip to get candy. They were a long way from that now. Castellanos seemed surprised.

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She returned to the prison the next two days to continue the conversation. Fire anybody you want.

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Arlene had never heard of a female shot caller. Castellanos likely saw in her everything the typical llavero was not. Llaveros were usually parolees or criminals with drug addictions.

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